THE MUSLIM WEEKLY 2005
In the Saudi government daily, an article from Brussels written by their correspondent charges that, based on alleged secret European military reports, the U.S. military in Iraq is harvesting and selling human organs.
The following are excerpts from the article: "Secret European military intelligence reports indicate the transformation of the American humanitarian mission in Iraq into a profitable trade in the American markets through the practice of American physicians extracting human organs from the dead and wounded, before they are put to death, for sale to medical centers in America. A secret team of American physicians follow the troops during their attacks on Iraqi armed men to ensure quick [medical] operations for extracting some organs and transferring them to private operations rooms before they are transferred to America for sale.
"The reports confirm the finding of tens of mutilated cadavers or cadavers missing parts. Some were found without a head. The American military command could not offer reasons to explain the bewilderment about the missing parts, suggesting that this may have been caused by the penetration of bullets to the [missing] parts. But these excuses cannot be medically accepted. The reports also confirmed that the burning of bodies was deliberate in order to conceal the crime of organ extraction. [The reports] further indicate that American medical teams have [made] active and suspicious moves in Iraq to recruit some Iraqis to guide them to dead and critically injured individuals to engage in the extraction of organs. These teams offer $40 for every usable kidney and $25 for an eye.
Further, the reports confirm the finding of mutilated bodies in Fallujah. The reports indicate that the cadavers are immunized inside special cars to prevent the spread of the plague until the bodies are buried by their relatives.
"The reports have indicated that a number of those killed in 'Abu Ghraib' and other prisons were subjected to operations for extracting their organs. Following their mutilations, the bodies were discarded far from the prisons to conceal the facts. The reports revealed that the American forces restricted the media by force to prevent them from getting near the scenes and recording the events. But the relatives of the Iraqis are aware of these facts.
The reports have [also] indicated that the military forces of the European allies have noticed the absence of organs from the cadavers that were dealt with by the Americans and have reported to their high command, which instructed them to maintain silence and to avoid the discussion of the subject due to its gravity, while the military and intelligence high command have written secret reports about what was observed by their forces and sent them to the European ministries of defense for their information."
Sunday, June 15, 2008
Elections pose uncertainty in Iraq…Civil War an Unnerving Possibility
THE MUSLIM WEEKLY 2005
As the eyes, ears and hopefully the conscience of the world turns towards Iraq, its future cannot be more uncertain. To say a lot has happened in the last two years is more than an understatement. However, the way in which the world galvanised and forgot other priorities when the Tsunami hit South East Asia gives many of us hope that humanity is still abundant, despite many of our words and actions indicating otherwise
With more than 1500 foreign journalists in Iraq as we speak, it is obvious we all want to know if Sunday’s election is the turning point in this saga which has dominated geo-politics ever since Bush talked about pre-emptive action. So much has happened since then, that it seems that it wasn’t ‘Dubya’ who introduced this new pretext for neo-colonisation but rather his father Mr. Bush Senior.
Having spent some days here now as an embedded War correspondent with 70 other journalists from Britain, one would have thought that all the information that we had consumed over the past two years would all now be re-confirmed as we spend time in theatre. Indeed so.
The hallmark of American occupation in Iraq was summed up succinctly by my newly-acquanted friend from Le Monde: Patrice Claude, “In two years the Americans cannot secure 16kms from Baghdad Airport to the Green Zone, yet they want to control the Middle East”.
My first direct brush with American occupation was yesterday in the Green Zone when a bunch of us British journalists joined the long queue to enter the Election Accreditation building. “Hey, are you guys from the Times in London?”
I responded, “yeah, someTimes”. That wasn’t all, this American soldier, in order to fight his boredom standing guard, decided to make obscene gestures with his tongue as an Iraqi woman walked past to join the female queue. Painful though it must have been, she kept her dignity by pretending not to notice.
Coming to the issue of elections, the Independent Electoral Commission of Iraq (IECI) has fortunately involved Iraqis themselves dealing with the logistics albeit being overlooked closely by the Americans. The UN true to recent form has provided a light consultative role including strategic, operational and technical help but short of directly observing the elections.
The idea is for the Iraqi National Assembly (INA) to be elected which would draft a new permanent constitution (replacing the Iraqi interim government) leading to a proposed referendum in October 2005. Considering the insurgency situation and the possibility of violence flaring up anywhere and at any moment, the thinkers have strategically decided on using proportional representation, effectively making Iraq a single electoral district.
Therefore those involved in the political process are seen to benefit, those who don’t will be marginalized as no particular weighting is given to any region (using the principal of universal suffrage (one person, one vote) including a secret vote. It is also least vulnerable to insurgent activity, as targeting of particular groups will not affect those other than those attacked. Furthermore, it encourages alliances in order to gain a greater share of power, thus tending to moderate a given group’s position. It also benefits those voting from outside the country, not least because the threat of violence hardly applies to them.
Those who are sceptical of the occupation understand that Britain and even the US is confident they understand the country and its people. However, many an event has taken place during the occupation, which suggests otherwise.
The continuing weariness about the strategic role of Muqtada al_Sadr (Is he active, is he quiet?), not to mention the even more complex insurgency role in the ‘Sunni Triangle’ supposedly led and dictated by Abu Musab al-Zarqawi. At the same time, there is an increasing belief that former Baathists have shunned their previous political standing (realising their gradual decline in influence and see more hope in following an Insurgency path along the route of Al-Qaida (or at least something synonymous with it).
So, the theory emerges that although there wasn’t any alliance between Saddam and Al-Qaida hitherto, now the potential for an alliance is ripe. If so, events over the last two years have turned full circle and Bush’s jackanory has inadvertently become true. Which reminds me of the theory that, if something you assert isn’t true, create the conditions so that it inevitably becomes true, thereby giving yourself a chance of redemption.
A few words about the benign names given to some of the parties contesting the election (although some are rumoured to have dropped since the publication of the Party list). Names like Islamic Dawah movement, 15th of Shabaan Islamic Movement, Iraqi Islamic Party, Islamic Democratic Movement, Justice and Future Coalition and Islamic Dawah party all give an indication of lofty albeit noble and sincere ambitions. However, likely to feature more prominently are parties such as the Kurdish Democratic Party, Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, the (Shia) Supreme council for Islamic revolution in Iraq SCIRI (Which looks to have promising prospects in the South), let’s not forget US-dumped Ahmed Chalabi’s Iraqi National Congress and on a different note, the marked absence of the Association of Muslim Scholars which may affect the long-term stability of whatever government is elected as it exacerbates the Sunni aloofness which is becoming increasingly apparent.
In direct contrast to the US, the British military have concentrated on the ‘hearts and minds’ stance and although admittedly they have presided over a region which in the main has emerged extremely eager for elections, there have been times when the situation could very easily have boiled over eg. The Sadr militia when it ventured down south earlier last year.
With the amount of British troops likely to be increased to 10,000 imminently, some fellow journalists are adamant that the troop presence is just not sustainable. This could have serious implications if the elections trigger more violence and the country descends into civil war.
This possibility has been prompted by the contrast in attitudes and actions of Sunnis and Shias respectively. As Sunnis have found it increasingly difficult to obtain jobs, even those who were less insurgent-inclined have realised that they are being marginalised and will end up with much diluted power having enjoyed it historically. Meanwhile, many Shias are passionately awaiting majority rule.
Further illustration maybe derived from their respective favourite TV news outlets, Sunnis disliking Al-Arabiya, favouring Al-Jazeera instead.
Some Shias I spoke to are adamant that the Sunnis should just play the game fairly and accept that there will be Shia majority rule. Of course, as indications are that, that is an unlikely scenario, hence the possibility of civil war. If it does Allah Forbid…the coalition forces may resign themselves to withdraw. After all, Muslims have been killing each other ever regularly over time, Non-Muslims are unlikely to sit by and watch, at least not from close quarters.
As the eyes, ears and hopefully the conscience of the world turns towards Iraq, its future cannot be more uncertain. To say a lot has happened in the last two years is more than an understatement. However, the way in which the world galvanised and forgot other priorities when the Tsunami hit South East Asia gives many of us hope that humanity is still abundant, despite many of our words and actions indicating otherwise
With more than 1500 foreign journalists in Iraq as we speak, it is obvious we all want to know if Sunday’s election is the turning point in this saga which has dominated geo-politics ever since Bush talked about pre-emptive action. So much has happened since then, that it seems that it wasn’t ‘Dubya’ who introduced this new pretext for neo-colonisation but rather his father Mr. Bush Senior.
Having spent some days here now as an embedded War correspondent with 70 other journalists from Britain, one would have thought that all the information that we had consumed over the past two years would all now be re-confirmed as we spend time in theatre. Indeed so.
The hallmark of American occupation in Iraq was summed up succinctly by my newly-acquanted friend from Le Monde: Patrice Claude, “In two years the Americans cannot secure 16kms from Baghdad Airport to the Green Zone, yet they want to control the Middle East”.
My first direct brush with American occupation was yesterday in the Green Zone when a bunch of us British journalists joined the long queue to enter the Election Accreditation building. “Hey, are you guys from the Times in London?”
I responded, “yeah, someTimes”. That wasn’t all, this American soldier, in order to fight his boredom standing guard, decided to make obscene gestures with his tongue as an Iraqi woman walked past to join the female queue. Painful though it must have been, she kept her dignity by pretending not to notice.
Coming to the issue of elections, the Independent Electoral Commission of Iraq (IECI) has fortunately involved Iraqis themselves dealing with the logistics albeit being overlooked closely by the Americans. The UN true to recent form has provided a light consultative role including strategic, operational and technical help but short of directly observing the elections.
The idea is for the Iraqi National Assembly (INA) to be elected which would draft a new permanent constitution (replacing the Iraqi interim government) leading to a proposed referendum in October 2005. Considering the insurgency situation and the possibility of violence flaring up anywhere and at any moment, the thinkers have strategically decided on using proportional representation, effectively making Iraq a single electoral district.
Therefore those involved in the political process are seen to benefit, those who don’t will be marginalized as no particular weighting is given to any region (using the principal of universal suffrage (one person, one vote) including a secret vote. It is also least vulnerable to insurgent activity, as targeting of particular groups will not affect those other than those attacked. Furthermore, it encourages alliances in order to gain a greater share of power, thus tending to moderate a given group’s position. It also benefits those voting from outside the country, not least because the threat of violence hardly applies to them.
Those who are sceptical of the occupation understand that Britain and even the US is confident they understand the country and its people. However, many an event has taken place during the occupation, which suggests otherwise.
The continuing weariness about the strategic role of Muqtada al_Sadr (Is he active, is he quiet?), not to mention the even more complex insurgency role in the ‘Sunni Triangle’ supposedly led and dictated by Abu Musab al-Zarqawi. At the same time, there is an increasing belief that former Baathists have shunned their previous political standing (realising their gradual decline in influence and see more hope in following an Insurgency path along the route of Al-Qaida (or at least something synonymous with it).
So, the theory emerges that although there wasn’t any alliance between Saddam and Al-Qaida hitherto, now the potential for an alliance is ripe. If so, events over the last two years have turned full circle and Bush’s jackanory has inadvertently become true. Which reminds me of the theory that, if something you assert isn’t true, create the conditions so that it inevitably becomes true, thereby giving yourself a chance of redemption.
A few words about the benign names given to some of the parties contesting the election (although some are rumoured to have dropped since the publication of the Party list). Names like Islamic Dawah movement, 15th of Shabaan Islamic Movement, Iraqi Islamic Party, Islamic Democratic Movement, Justice and Future Coalition and Islamic Dawah party all give an indication of lofty albeit noble and sincere ambitions. However, likely to feature more prominently are parties such as the Kurdish Democratic Party, Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, the (Shia) Supreme council for Islamic revolution in Iraq SCIRI (Which looks to have promising prospects in the South), let’s not forget US-dumped Ahmed Chalabi’s Iraqi National Congress and on a different note, the marked absence of the Association of Muslim Scholars which may affect the long-term stability of whatever government is elected as it exacerbates the Sunni aloofness which is becoming increasingly apparent.
In direct contrast to the US, the British military have concentrated on the ‘hearts and minds’ stance and although admittedly they have presided over a region which in the main has emerged extremely eager for elections, there have been times when the situation could very easily have boiled over eg. The Sadr militia when it ventured down south earlier last year.
With the amount of British troops likely to be increased to 10,000 imminently, some fellow journalists are adamant that the troop presence is just not sustainable. This could have serious implications if the elections trigger more violence and the country descends into civil war.
This possibility has been prompted by the contrast in attitudes and actions of Sunnis and Shias respectively. As Sunnis have found it increasingly difficult to obtain jobs, even those who were less insurgent-inclined have realised that they are being marginalised and will end up with much diluted power having enjoyed it historically. Meanwhile, many Shias are passionately awaiting majority rule.
Further illustration maybe derived from their respective favourite TV news outlets, Sunnis disliking Al-Arabiya, favouring Al-Jazeera instead.
Some Shias I spoke to are adamant that the Sunnis should just play the game fairly and accept that there will be Shia majority rule. Of course, as indications are that, that is an unlikely scenario, hence the possibility of civil war. If it does Allah Forbid…the coalition forces may resign themselves to withdraw. After all, Muslims have been killing each other ever regularly over time, Non-Muslims are unlikely to sit by and watch, at least not from close quarters.
Iraqi Elections: Problems Solved or More Created? - Part 2
THE MUSLIM WEEKLY 2005
Continued from last week....
Some indication from Southern Iraq of how difficult it will be for Iraqis to hold sway over the security situation is when a few months ago, Iraqi security forces were given the opportunity of presiding over Al-Muthanna province. It didn’t take long for Multinational forces to realise that it just wasn’t feasible. Furthermore, leading up to the elections, the Iraqi Police didn’t seem able to grapple the necessary tasks involved in security, with British forces having to fulfill much of what was required.
On the ground, with party manifestos unavailable and ‘doorstepping’ unthinkable, many voters were unable to identify their local candidates even a day before the election. Most people I spoke to had a vague idea that they wanted an Islamic /democratic government.
In a conversation I had with Sheikh Ahmed Saleh (spokesperson for Ayatollah Sistani), he was keen to refrain from talking politics and on a question about whether he would trust Ahmed Chalabi replied, “Politics is about advantage, not trust”. Indeed, a recent statement by another spokesperson of the Ayatollah suggested that they had no intention of turning Iraq into an Iranian-style theocracy. Quite what they would do with their impending influence remained unclear. Interestingly, many Shias conceded that there were many points of view with reference to how a post-election Iraq would pan out.
Some of these views became apparent when we met Sheikh Khalid and Mohd. Sai’doon from the Iraqi Islamic Party (A Sunni party which boycotted the election). They were visibly upset that other countries (i.e The West) were dictating the political process, bemused that the military occupation should so forcefully devise a system for them. They also felt marginalized as they described how Sunnis were being refused jobs in the new Iraqi Police force while militias and even former Baathists were given prominent roles.
Meanwhile, it has recently become clear that although many Sunnis refrained from voting, the influential Association of Muslim Scholars in Baghdad have laid down a set of conditions primarily relating to America’s withdrawal in order to take part in the consultative process.
As for American eyes now focusing on Iran, perhaps it isn’t so much the nuclear issue, which is making the Neo-cons seemingly nervous. A religiously underlined Shia United Iraqi Alliance dominating Iraqi politics for the foreseeable future with like-minded allies in Iran as neighbours, maybe perceived by the US to be strategically virulent. Didn’t they see that coming? Not to suggest that they are politically adept.
What is almost certain is that the US will never leave Iraq unless it is certain it will not have to forego it’s regional objectives.
While the politics of the region throws up so many permutations, (far too many to discuss here) one would be wise to maintain vigilance as ongoing developments will I predict be a reference point for future relations between the Muslim world and the West.
Despite Iraqis clearly facing a steep learning curve as far as running their own affairs are concerned, outside intervention, consistently disputed and imprudent according to historical form faces an even steeper curve in it’s bid to redeem itself.
Which leaves me to borrow a quote from a fellow journalist embedded in Iraq, “The British and Americans think that they understand Iraq and its people, sadly they don’t.”
Continued from last week....
Some indication from Southern Iraq of how difficult it will be for Iraqis to hold sway over the security situation is when a few months ago, Iraqi security forces were given the opportunity of presiding over Al-Muthanna province. It didn’t take long for Multinational forces to realise that it just wasn’t feasible. Furthermore, leading up to the elections, the Iraqi Police didn’t seem able to grapple the necessary tasks involved in security, with British forces having to fulfill much of what was required.
On the ground, with party manifestos unavailable and ‘doorstepping’ unthinkable, many voters were unable to identify their local candidates even a day before the election. Most people I spoke to had a vague idea that they wanted an Islamic /democratic government.
In a conversation I had with Sheikh Ahmed Saleh (spokesperson for Ayatollah Sistani), he was keen to refrain from talking politics and on a question about whether he would trust Ahmed Chalabi replied, “Politics is about advantage, not trust”. Indeed, a recent statement by another spokesperson of the Ayatollah suggested that they had no intention of turning Iraq into an Iranian-style theocracy. Quite what they would do with their impending influence remained unclear. Interestingly, many Shias conceded that there were many points of view with reference to how a post-election Iraq would pan out.
Some of these views became apparent when we met Sheikh Khalid and Mohd. Sai’doon from the Iraqi Islamic Party (A Sunni party which boycotted the election). They were visibly upset that other countries (i.e The West) were dictating the political process, bemused that the military occupation should so forcefully devise a system for them. They also felt marginalized as they described how Sunnis were being refused jobs in the new Iraqi Police force while militias and even former Baathists were given prominent roles.
Meanwhile, it has recently become clear that although many Sunnis refrained from voting, the influential Association of Muslim Scholars in Baghdad have laid down a set of conditions primarily relating to America’s withdrawal in order to take part in the consultative process.
As for American eyes now focusing on Iran, perhaps it isn’t so much the nuclear issue, which is making the Neo-cons seemingly nervous. A religiously underlined Shia United Iraqi Alliance dominating Iraqi politics for the foreseeable future with like-minded allies in Iran as neighbours, maybe perceived by the US to be strategically virulent. Didn’t they see that coming? Not to suggest that they are politically adept.
What is almost certain is that the US will never leave Iraq unless it is certain it will not have to forego it’s regional objectives.
While the politics of the region throws up so many permutations, (far too many to discuss here) one would be wise to maintain vigilance as ongoing developments will I predict be a reference point for future relations between the Muslim world and the West.
Despite Iraqis clearly facing a steep learning curve as far as running their own affairs are concerned, outside intervention, consistently disputed and imprudent according to historical form faces an even steeper curve in it’s bid to redeem itself.
Which leaves me to borrow a quote from a fellow journalist embedded in Iraq, “The British and Americans think that they understand Iraq and its people, sadly they don’t.”
Iraqi Elections: Problems Solved or More Created? - Part 1
THE MUSLIM WEEKLY 2005
As predicted by many analysts, the Shiite United Iraqi Alliance blessed by Ayatollah Sistani looks increasingly likely to emerge as the dominant political force post elections. It just so happens that much of our recent embedded visit to Iraq involved staying in Southern Iraq. (Essentially the power-base for this group)
No doubt voter turnout in this region scaled heights unthinkable in many parts of the Western world, ranging from 60 to 80%. However, does this make the future of Iraq any clearer, is stability now a foreseeable outcome?
Given that the foreign occupation is a problem in itself, (As cited by both Sunnis and Shias that I met) and it’s inability to maintain stability, furthermore being unable to provide the population daily basic necessities on a regular basis, leads one to question how the next few months will pan out..
Considering self-determination is arrived at and not imposed, despite some Iraqis insistent that the American’s objectives and Iraqi objectives meet at the moment. Further, that although they have come for their own benefit, we stand to benefit the most. I wondered if he would have thought the same if he knew that Iraq has to buy back oil that it exports for refining at 80% of the price, when it comes back in the form of usable fuel.
Have the Americans really invested billions of war dollars just so that Iraq can be a self-governing country able to dictate it’s own economic terms?
Will the Americans tolerate an Iraqi leader/Government who wants them off their soil ASAP?
One possible characteristic that over-rides the whole scenario is that the West has habitually aimed to prescribe solutions for the rest of the world based on its own interpretation of history and vision for the future. Using democratic elections where everyone is perceived to be given a choice or even a stake in governance is an ideal difficult to oppose, particularly in the wake of an horrendous dictatorship. However, a nation undergoing sudden change, supervised by a foreign power adamant on providing it’s prescription leads to many complications, from internal division to resistance and much worse.
Leading to the question that will democracy work without military enforcement? (some indication as to how in/capable the Iraqi Police and Iraqi National Army are, is to follow), so defining who is capable of enforcing that democracy will lead us into a complicated circle. In other words, we want to be free and rid ourselves of the occupation yet do not have the security structure capable of maintaining peace. The fact that the Americans are not capable either is just one of those very complications that face Iraq.
To be continued….
As predicted by many analysts, the Shiite United Iraqi Alliance blessed by Ayatollah Sistani looks increasingly likely to emerge as the dominant political force post elections. It just so happens that much of our recent embedded visit to Iraq involved staying in Southern Iraq. (Essentially the power-base for this group)
No doubt voter turnout in this region scaled heights unthinkable in many parts of the Western world, ranging from 60 to 80%. However, does this make the future of Iraq any clearer, is stability now a foreseeable outcome?
Given that the foreign occupation is a problem in itself, (As cited by both Sunnis and Shias that I met) and it’s inability to maintain stability, furthermore being unable to provide the population daily basic necessities on a regular basis, leads one to question how the next few months will pan out..
Considering self-determination is arrived at and not imposed, despite some Iraqis insistent that the American’s objectives and Iraqi objectives meet at the moment. Further, that although they have come for their own benefit, we stand to benefit the most. I wondered if he would have thought the same if he knew that Iraq has to buy back oil that it exports for refining at 80% of the price, when it comes back in the form of usable fuel.
Have the Americans really invested billions of war dollars just so that Iraq can be a self-governing country able to dictate it’s own economic terms?
Will the Americans tolerate an Iraqi leader/Government who wants them off their soil ASAP?
One possible characteristic that over-rides the whole scenario is that the West has habitually aimed to prescribe solutions for the rest of the world based on its own interpretation of history and vision for the future. Using democratic elections where everyone is perceived to be given a choice or even a stake in governance is an ideal difficult to oppose, particularly in the wake of an horrendous dictatorship. However, a nation undergoing sudden change, supervised by a foreign power adamant on providing it’s prescription leads to many complications, from internal division to resistance and much worse.
Leading to the question that will democracy work without military enforcement? (some indication as to how in/capable the Iraqi Police and Iraqi National Army are, is to follow), so defining who is capable of enforcing that democracy will lead us into a complicated circle. In other words, we want to be free and rid ourselves of the occupation yet do not have the security structure capable of maintaining peace. The fact that the Americans are not capable either is just one of those very complications that face Iraq.
To be continued….
Afghanistan: Challenge or Formality?
THE MUSLIM WEEKLY 2004
As US engagement in Iraq continues to sap its energy and weaken its credibility, their fortunes in Afghanistan appear to be wildly different than a mere country (Iran) seperating them would suggest. Seemingly, the 37 country strong ISAF (International Security Assistance Force) with it's 9,500 troops and now with the PRTs (Provincial Reconstruction Teams) gradually making their presence felt in Mazare-Sharif and beyond, the US is left to concentrate it's muscle on the porous Afghanistan/Pakistan border. Meanwhile, the Locals appear content with the peace and prospective prosperity looming on their horizon.
The confirmation of Hamid Karzai as president just as as his principal backer George W. Bush.performs a not too dissimilar feat thousands of miles away could easily lead one to be reasonably optimistic of Afghanistan's future. Continuity breeding stability in a scenario where the focus may have changed somewhat from 'Flushing out remnants of the Taliban and Al-Qaida' to extending ISAF's authority beyond Kabul, tackling the spiralling drugs issue and rebuilding a country shattered by over two decades of war.
In our short trip, opportunity beckoned for us to witness how the British, as effective stakeholders in Afghanistan's future were putting their skills and resources to use in benefitting the Afghan nation.
Undoubtedly, similarities do exist between Iraq and Afghanistan as far as the Muslim world is concerned. The US and its allies are deemed to be micro-managing their affairs, a little military tweak here, a political shuffle there and perhaps a social experiment elsewhere.
Nevertheless, the differences appear to vastly overshadow the similarities and this is where the vast historical experience of the British comes into its own. Living in Britain, one can quite easily understand and even empathise with the British emphasis on capturing the hearts and minds of the locals. A method of comparison could be illustrated in witnessing the difference between how the British conduct their mobile patrols (lightly armoured, open-jeeps, engaging with the community etc. compared to the Germans in their state-of-the-art tanks, armoured to the hilt as they whizz by from locality to locality).
Foreign Secretary Jack Straw recently discussed progress in Afghanistan, symbolised by 80% of the electorate turning out, but he re-iterated the need to disarm, demobilise and re-integrate militias (DDR) into mainstream society. He recognised that opium cultivation represented half the value of Afghanistan's non-drugs GDP , drug addiction wass growing and although he cites 7,000 addicts in Kabul, the Nejat centre (Drug Rehabilitation Centre) put the figure closer to 60,000. Nevertheless, he highlighted it as the greatest threat to the future of Afghanistan and considering 95% of the heroin in the UK originates from Afghanistan, the cause for concern is amplified.
In an encouraging move, the religious council of Afghanistan has issued a fatwa condemning narcotics.
On the funding front, $12.5 billion in international reconstruction aid has been pledged over the coming years (of which $3.5billion has already been disbursed) with G8 partners, The World Bank and The European Commission being fully engaged. Between 13 to 15,000 Afghan Police have been recruited and trained. Kabul is now certified as being free of heavy weapons while 80% is the nationwide figure given.
From the militia 20,000 had been re-integrated into regular army or civilian life.
The UK itself is committing 500 million pounds upto the year 2007 for reconstruction.
Outside Kabul, violence was thought to be sporadic with recent examples of engagement in Zabul and Kandahar, for which the Taleban appear to take responsibility. Other provinces thought to be particularly unsafe were Badakshan and Gardez. Which brings us appropriately to the subject of the Afghan National Army (ANA), predicted to be built up by 2009 according to the British Commander in Chief. He added that people wanted a national identity as opposed to being seen as Pashtuns, Tajiks or Uzbeks etc.
In relation to the elections, apart from the much reported indelible ink issue, there was some concern raised about there not being enough neutral observers to monitor the election process. While many approached the election with much gusto and eagerness, there were those that did not understand who or what they were voting for, some even thought the elections would automatically improve their lives. In light of improved security, ex-refugees had returned in droves from both Iran and Pakistan.
Germany, which was singled out in particular by the Imaam in Mazar-e-Sharif for the Bonn process, was not only involved with training the police force in Kabul but was also taking initiatives for providing employment viz. AGEF with help from Japan, the UNHCR and other NGO"S. 15,000 Afghanis are thought to have benefitted in Kabul so far.
On the subject of NGO's, they were involved in various projects ranging from building schools to engaging in health projects throughout the country. Some encountered problems in the form of violent attacks from locals at times, particularly in the past year. Other organisations like Christian Aid tended to be involved in developing conflict de-escalation strategies.
It is important to point out that there has also been a decrease in NGO staff as they're deemed to be competing with each other (globally, due to skills shortage). Interestingly, they described the elections as a spiritual upliftment.
Media in Afghanistan has clearly become more free in the past few years although locals do occassionally raise concerns about programmes such as the BBC production 'New Home New Life' pushing boundaies a bit too far and suspect an erosion of Afghan culture as a result.
Returning back to the DDR issue, we were fortunate enough to meet it's Director Peter Cruickshank , who quite concisely explained that regional power balances (The Warlord Phenomenon) had not changed by de-commissioning military units. He pointed out that 450 to 650 commanders needed to be dismantled while opining that a viable national army may take many years to create. Stressing that the DDR programme didn't resort to coercive methods to achieve their objectives, rather a voluntary one using incentives until the ANA was capable of imposing itself.
Re-emphasising his focus on de-factionalising and removing the power base of commanders, he gave examples of incentives ranging from medals given to those who disarm in ceremonies with President Karzai, clothing and food allowances, some given agricutural incentives, others access to micro-credit, even vocational traing and job placement (A huge demand for de-miners and teachers existed).
Meanwhile, some commanders were thought to get $5-600 per month while others were given the option of embarking on the Hajj.
"There was a problem with mass communication and getting the message across." lamented Mr. Cruickshank (A former British Military man himself).
Targets were very ambitious (i.e initial targets pointed to June 2005 as date for total disarmament)and an additional problem was deciding whether they were in a conflict or post-conflict situation, he reasoned.
Overall, the development of Afghanistan cannot be described as aformality and the challenges that lay ahead were immense. Nevertheless, there was certainly a distinctly positive strain emanating from the British Camp, the borrowed metaphor of the glass being 20% full rather than being 80% empty was an apt way of marching on.
As US engagement in Iraq continues to sap its energy and weaken its credibility, their fortunes in Afghanistan appear to be wildly different than a mere country (Iran) seperating them would suggest. Seemingly, the 37 country strong ISAF (International Security Assistance Force) with it's 9,500 troops and now with the PRTs (Provincial Reconstruction Teams) gradually making their presence felt in Mazare-Sharif and beyond, the US is left to concentrate it's muscle on the porous Afghanistan/Pakistan border. Meanwhile, the Locals appear content with the peace and prospective prosperity looming on their horizon.
The confirmation of Hamid Karzai as president just as as his principal backer George W. Bush.performs a not too dissimilar feat thousands of miles away could easily lead one to be reasonably optimistic of Afghanistan's future. Continuity breeding stability in a scenario where the focus may have changed somewhat from 'Flushing out remnants of the Taliban and Al-Qaida' to extending ISAF's authority beyond Kabul, tackling the spiralling drugs issue and rebuilding a country shattered by over two decades of war.
In our short trip, opportunity beckoned for us to witness how the British, as effective stakeholders in Afghanistan's future were putting their skills and resources to use in benefitting the Afghan nation.
Undoubtedly, similarities do exist between Iraq and Afghanistan as far as the Muslim world is concerned. The US and its allies are deemed to be micro-managing their affairs, a little military tweak here, a political shuffle there and perhaps a social experiment elsewhere.
Nevertheless, the differences appear to vastly overshadow the similarities and this is where the vast historical experience of the British comes into its own. Living in Britain, one can quite easily understand and even empathise with the British emphasis on capturing the hearts and minds of the locals. A method of comparison could be illustrated in witnessing the difference between how the British conduct their mobile patrols (lightly armoured, open-jeeps, engaging with the community etc. compared to the Germans in their state-of-the-art tanks, armoured to the hilt as they whizz by from locality to locality).
Foreign Secretary Jack Straw recently discussed progress in Afghanistan, symbolised by 80% of the electorate turning out, but he re-iterated the need to disarm, demobilise and re-integrate militias (DDR) into mainstream society. He recognised that opium cultivation represented half the value of Afghanistan's non-drugs GDP , drug addiction wass growing and although he cites 7,000 addicts in Kabul, the Nejat centre (Drug Rehabilitation Centre) put the figure closer to 60,000. Nevertheless, he highlighted it as the greatest threat to the future of Afghanistan and considering 95% of the heroin in the UK originates from Afghanistan, the cause for concern is amplified.
In an encouraging move, the religious council of Afghanistan has issued a fatwa condemning narcotics.
On the funding front, $12.5 billion in international reconstruction aid has been pledged over the coming years (of which $3.5billion has already been disbursed) with G8 partners, The World Bank and The European Commission being fully engaged. Between 13 to 15,000 Afghan Police have been recruited and trained. Kabul is now certified as being free of heavy weapons while 80% is the nationwide figure given.
From the militia 20,000 had been re-integrated into regular army or civilian life.
The UK itself is committing 500 million pounds upto the year 2007 for reconstruction.
Outside Kabul, violence was thought to be sporadic with recent examples of engagement in Zabul and Kandahar, for which the Taleban appear to take responsibility. Other provinces thought to be particularly unsafe were Badakshan and Gardez. Which brings us appropriately to the subject of the Afghan National Army (ANA), predicted to be built up by 2009 according to the British Commander in Chief. He added that people wanted a national identity as opposed to being seen as Pashtuns, Tajiks or Uzbeks etc.
In relation to the elections, apart from the much reported indelible ink issue, there was some concern raised about there not being enough neutral observers to monitor the election process. While many approached the election with much gusto and eagerness, there were those that did not understand who or what they were voting for, some even thought the elections would automatically improve their lives. In light of improved security, ex-refugees had returned in droves from both Iran and Pakistan.
Germany, which was singled out in particular by the Imaam in Mazar-e-Sharif for the Bonn process, was not only involved with training the police force in Kabul but was also taking initiatives for providing employment viz. AGEF with help from Japan, the UNHCR and other NGO"S. 15,000 Afghanis are thought to have benefitted in Kabul so far.
On the subject of NGO's, they were involved in various projects ranging from building schools to engaging in health projects throughout the country. Some encountered problems in the form of violent attacks from locals at times, particularly in the past year. Other organisations like Christian Aid tended to be involved in developing conflict de-escalation strategies.
It is important to point out that there has also been a decrease in NGO staff as they're deemed to be competing with each other (globally, due to skills shortage). Interestingly, they described the elections as a spiritual upliftment.
Media in Afghanistan has clearly become more free in the past few years although locals do occassionally raise concerns about programmes such as the BBC production 'New Home New Life' pushing boundaies a bit too far and suspect an erosion of Afghan culture as a result.
Returning back to the DDR issue, we were fortunate enough to meet it's Director Peter Cruickshank , who quite concisely explained that regional power balances (The Warlord Phenomenon) had not changed by de-commissioning military units. He pointed out that 450 to 650 commanders needed to be dismantled while opining that a viable national army may take many years to create. Stressing that the DDR programme didn't resort to coercive methods to achieve their objectives, rather a voluntary one using incentives until the ANA was capable of imposing itself.
Re-emphasising his focus on de-factionalising and removing the power base of commanders, he gave examples of incentives ranging from medals given to those who disarm in ceremonies with President Karzai, clothing and food allowances, some given agricutural incentives, others access to micro-credit, even vocational traing and job placement (A huge demand for de-miners and teachers existed).
Meanwhile, some commanders were thought to get $5-600 per month while others were given the option of embarking on the Hajj.
"There was a problem with mass communication and getting the message across." lamented Mr. Cruickshank (A former British Military man himself).
Targets were very ambitious (i.e initial targets pointed to June 2005 as date for total disarmament)and an additional problem was deciding whether they were in a conflict or post-conflict situation, he reasoned.
Overall, the development of Afghanistan cannot be described as aformality and the challenges that lay ahead were immense. Nevertheless, there was certainly a distinctly positive strain emanating from the British Camp, the borrowed metaphor of the glass being 20% full rather than being 80% empty was an apt way of marching on.
Diary of a Correspondent – Part 2
THE MUSLIM WEEKLY 2004
After our flying day-trip to Mazar- e-Sharif, we are back in dusty Kabul for our remaining two days which promise to be as hectic as the previous three.
DAY4:
0900hrs:
It's a visit to the British Embassy once again for a briefing on the nation-wide Drugs Interdiction/Eradication Programme. Please visit www.unodc.org and click on the Afghanistan link to see how the project is faring.
1045hrs:
Our next stop is the Nejat Centre in the city which oversees a drugs-rehabilitation programme where we are welcomed by Dr. Tariq Suleman, accompanied by drums played by patients at the centre. This was a programme that originated in Peshawar in 1991 and although the amount of addicts in Kabul were estimated at around 60,000, the number of patients being treated at the Nejat centre was around 20per month including a facility to house 10 patients to undergo detoxification and then rehabilitation.
1200hrs:
We were then taken a short distance to the female version of the Nejat Centre to witness how they were being treated. It was explained that a city-wide campaign with the help of female social workers led to 10-15 female addicts visiting on a daily basis. There were estimated to be 24,000 women affected by opium and hashish addiction in Kabul.
1300hrs:
Back to base for lunch before venturing out again to visit the Halo Trust's de-mining project in Afghanistan.
1400hrs:
We are welcomed by Dr. Farid Ahmed Hamayun who explains that the Halo Trust's involvement in Afghanistan began in 1988 in the wake of the Russian exit from Afghanistan. Their activity developed with a constant mine-awareness programme and despite all the subsequent turmoil, Kabul was finally designated a mine-free area in the year 2000. With nearly 2000 staff. the Halo Trust was easily Afghanistan's largest de-mining project. With an estimation of between 460 to 600 thousand mines the enormity of the task was beyond emphasis.
1545hrs:
There was enough time left in the day for us to take part in a mobile patrol in district 16 where we accompanied British troops on their regular patrol. This was our first opportunity to mingle with local people on the outskirts of Kabul and all other correspondents found this to be a most fruitful experience. Many of the locals expressed how beneficial albeit weird, foreign troop presence was. Our eagerness to mingle with the locals was equally matched by local hospitality as crowds built up on learning of our arrival.
1630hrs:
Head back to base to contemplate on our experiences of the day.
DAY5:
0800hrs:
Alas, today is our final day and although we fly at around 1500hrs, this is the point where we have to clear our living quarters and hand in our luggage for check-in.
0900hrs:
As there is nothing scheduled for us to do for the rest of the day, our team of journalists ponder over what to do to bide our time.
1000hrs:
It's eventually decided that we take the plunge and venture out into the city at our own risk. As we exit the camp, we hail a taxi and agree to take a drive to the Intercontinental Hotel in the City which is deemed to be the foremost venue for visiting journalists. Our taxi driver, Mr. Sher Khan gives us an insight into how life has changed over the years, describing that although normalcy prevailed in Kabul, the cost of living was rapidly increasing, citing an example of the price of fuel rocketing from 13 Afghanis prior to the election to 24 Afghanis (approx. 19pence > 34 pence per litre). At the 199 -room hotel we found that around half the rooms were occupied at roughly $80 a night which contrasted with the Taliban's time where occupancy was around 2-3 rooms although rates were in the region of $30 a night.
From here, anxious to get back to camp headquarters (With our flight back to the UK at stake!) our team rushes through some dry-fruit shopping only to realise that the prices quoted were more expensive than the UK. As our taxi-driver hastened to get us back in time his car almost inevitably exerienced a tyre puncture.
Changing our taxi enabled us to witness first-hand the kamikaze element of Kabul driving as our new driver hobbed and weaved through the traffic. With one car in front skidding from one side of the road to the other to avoid a sudden halt, along with our driver not being sure of where we needed to go, not to mention some some other close calls, we felt a sense of achievement in finally arriving back at camp in one piece. The fact that it was in good time was a mere bonus.
1300hrs:
As today was the first of Ramadhan and lunch not being an issue, I decided to be bold enough to venture out once again to seek the nearest mosque for Jumaah prayers.
1415hrs:
Finally, we assemble for our departure from camp as the armoured tanks prepare to escort us to the airport.
-It has been an engrossing and eye-opening trip and my thanks goes out to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office Islamic Media Unit and the Armed Forces Media Operations Team for their initiative in constructing this programme. I am sure other Muslim Media would be as keen as myself in embarking on similar ventures in the future.
After our flying day-trip to Mazar- e-Sharif, we are back in dusty Kabul for our remaining two days which promise to be as hectic as the previous three.
DAY4:
0900hrs:
It's a visit to the British Embassy once again for a briefing on the nation-wide Drugs Interdiction/Eradication Programme. Please visit www.unodc.org and click on the Afghanistan link to see how the project is faring.
1045hrs:
Our next stop is the Nejat Centre in the city which oversees a drugs-rehabilitation programme where we are welcomed by Dr. Tariq Suleman, accompanied by drums played by patients at the centre. This was a programme that originated in Peshawar in 1991 and although the amount of addicts in Kabul were estimated at around 60,000, the number of patients being treated at the Nejat centre was around 20per month including a facility to house 10 patients to undergo detoxification and then rehabilitation.
1200hrs:
We were then taken a short distance to the female version of the Nejat Centre to witness how they were being treated. It was explained that a city-wide campaign with the help of female social workers led to 10-15 female addicts visiting on a daily basis. There were estimated to be 24,000 women affected by opium and hashish addiction in Kabul.
1300hrs:
Back to base for lunch before venturing out again to visit the Halo Trust's de-mining project in Afghanistan.
1400hrs:
We are welcomed by Dr. Farid Ahmed Hamayun who explains that the Halo Trust's involvement in Afghanistan began in 1988 in the wake of the Russian exit from Afghanistan. Their activity developed with a constant mine-awareness programme and despite all the subsequent turmoil, Kabul was finally designated a mine-free area in the year 2000. With nearly 2000 staff. the Halo Trust was easily Afghanistan's largest de-mining project. With an estimation of between 460 to 600 thousand mines the enormity of the task was beyond emphasis.
1545hrs:
There was enough time left in the day for us to take part in a mobile patrol in district 16 where we accompanied British troops on their regular patrol. This was our first opportunity to mingle with local people on the outskirts of Kabul and all other correspondents found this to be a most fruitful experience. Many of the locals expressed how beneficial albeit weird, foreign troop presence was. Our eagerness to mingle with the locals was equally matched by local hospitality as crowds built up on learning of our arrival.
1630hrs:
Head back to base to contemplate on our experiences of the day.
DAY5:
0800hrs:
Alas, today is our final day and although we fly at around 1500hrs, this is the point where we have to clear our living quarters and hand in our luggage for check-in.
0900hrs:
As there is nothing scheduled for us to do for the rest of the day, our team of journalists ponder over what to do to bide our time.
1000hrs:
It's eventually decided that we take the plunge and venture out into the city at our own risk. As we exit the camp, we hail a taxi and agree to take a drive to the Intercontinental Hotel in the City which is deemed to be the foremost venue for visiting journalists. Our taxi driver, Mr. Sher Khan gives us an insight into how life has changed over the years, describing that although normalcy prevailed in Kabul, the cost of living was rapidly increasing, citing an example of the price of fuel rocketing from 13 Afghanis prior to the election to 24 Afghanis (approx. 19pence > 34 pence per litre). At the 199 -room hotel we found that around half the rooms were occupied at roughly $80 a night which contrasted with the Taliban's time where occupancy was around 2-3 rooms although rates were in the region of $30 a night.
From here, anxious to get back to camp headquarters (With our flight back to the UK at stake!) our team rushes through some dry-fruit shopping only to realise that the prices quoted were more expensive than the UK. As our taxi-driver hastened to get us back in time his car almost inevitably exerienced a tyre puncture.
Changing our taxi enabled us to witness first-hand the kamikaze element of Kabul driving as our new driver hobbed and weaved through the traffic. With one car in front skidding from one side of the road to the other to avoid a sudden halt, along with our driver not being sure of where we needed to go, not to mention some some other close calls, we felt a sense of achievement in finally arriving back at camp in one piece. The fact that it was in good time was a mere bonus.
1300hrs:
As today was the first of Ramadhan and lunch not being an issue, I decided to be bold enough to venture out once again to seek the nearest mosque for Jumaah prayers.
1415hrs:
Finally, we assemble for our departure from camp as the armoured tanks prepare to escort us to the airport.
-It has been an engrossing and eye-opening trip and my thanks goes out to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office Islamic Media Unit and the Armed Forces Media Operations Team for their initiative in constructing this programme. I am sure other Muslim Media would be as keen as myself in embarking on similar ventures in the future.
Diary of a Correspondent - Part 1
THE MUSLIM WEEKLY 2004
In the wake of unprecedented elections in Afghanistan, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office Muslim Media Unit aptly arranged a trip for a group of Muslim journalists to visit the country. I was fortunate to avail of the opportunity presented to me to be a guest of the British Military contingent for 5 days. Hereby is a day by day account of how our hosts laid out our visit:
Day 1:
1300hrs:
Our Royal Air force plane touches down in Kabul where British tanks receive us. As we make our way under armed escort towards the British headquarters, I notice a gentle trickle of traffic in Kabul where despite arriving only two days beyond polling, life appears to be as normal as it would be in Cambridge or Karachi minus the glaring ruins of decades of war.
Warm handshakes and lunch await us as L/Colonel Ralph Arundel and team give us the low-down on how events have panned out over the past few weeks in general and what to expect on our visit.
1600hrs:
Commander in Chief of British Forces in Afghanistan Charlie Darrell.professes his immense pleasure at having us, he portrayed a distinctly positive mood in terms of how the election panned out, exceeding expectations with an 80-90% turnout. Despite issues of many candidates threatening to boycott the election due to the indelible ink saga and acknowledgement of immense effort needed to rebuild the country, examples of some schools conducting 3 shifts to enable as many children to seek education as possible gave rise to hope for the future.
Meanwhile, he pointed to the pre-election threat of the Taleban not materialising and praised Hamid Karzai for fearlessly carrying forward a reformist agenda.
1700hrs:
After further discussions with Team Leader Arundel, dinner and a much needed rest ensue. Noise of rocket fire in the early hours from the city caused some alarm, thankfully no casualties were reported.
DAY 2:
0900hrs:
Our mode of transport changes from Tank to Toyota Landcruisers as we venture out into the city to the Consulate for an introductory meeting with the British Ambassador Rosalynd Marsden for tea and biscuits.
1000hrs:
We cut across to the German sponsored community re-building project (AGEF) to meet local representatives Khalid Noorzad and Nur Ahmed Sarwari. Their activities included PC training /Internet /Basic English /accounting/ management and various self-employment initiatives. This was essentially a method for re-integrating militia of various factions and ex-refugees with measures in appropriating effective strategies for employment.
We visited classrooms and took the opportunity to speak to ex-militia to find out what specific measures were being taken to re-integrate them into society. We also met ex-refugees from Britain who aimed to help rebuild their country, one particularly moving story was of a returnee who had paid agents 13,500 US dollars to get to England only to work 2 and a half years to repay that money by working in a pizza take-away in Leeds before being deported back home.
1230hrs:
It’s back to the British Embassy for a meeting with Non-governmental organisations (NGO’s) about their activities and problems that they encountered. Dave Mather, managing director for Afghan Aid explained how they took measures to build community infrastructures with various initiatives, while Sarah Ireland, country programme representative for Oxfam talked about their particular emphasis on women’s rights. Representing Christian Aid was Teena Roberts who pointed out their long history of involvement in Afghanistan even prior to the Taleban and focussed on their attempts to de-escalate conflict.
They all felt an element of danger and thought some locals were mistrustful of foreign influence while being perceived as soft targets.
0145hrs:
We move to a different part of Kabul to meet with the Afghan Educational Trust (In conjunction with the BBC World Service Trust) and in doing so witness how decades of war had ravaged the landscape. Empty tracts of land and dilapidated buildings told their own story. Meanwhile, the BBC was providing the technical underpin to promote programmes such as ‘New Home New Life’ which although immensely popular since 1994 was now being used as a major vehicle to push boundaries in educating the Afghani people amidst their new found freedom. They emphasised on the social infrastructure, re-integration of refugees and nation-building.We were talked through by their director Shirazuddin Siddiqi.
1515hrs:
Another dart across town as we head towards the Japanese Embassy to learn about the De-mining/De-mobilisation/Re-integration (DDR) programme and their strategy for consolidation of peace. Paul Cruickshank gave us a presentation about how they aimed to de-commission military units, explaining that 450 to 650 commanders Militias/warlords) needed to be dis-banded. Pointing out that the Afghan National Army (ANA) would take years to create, he stressed that they encouraged voluntary submissions by providing incentives and refrained from forcing the policy as that would be the job of the ANA long-term. He felt there was a serious problem with mass communication and the message in many respects was failing to reach through and that their targets were ambitious.
1800hrs:
Truly a hectic day with little respite and we were glad to head back to base to wind down.
DAY 3:
0700hrs:
An early start as we head for the Airport to fly to Mazar-e-Sharif
1000hrs:
We meet with chief of British Operations John Henderson who discusses how they have been dealing with that particular region since July 2003. Re-iterating their focus on stability and identifying warlords and drugs as the major causes for concern, he explained how they concentrated on developing the grounds for a self-sustaining government using institution-building as a tool while engaging with the community.
1145hrs:
As part of our day tour, the Imam Ali Shrine, where the city derives it’s name is where we meet the local Imam Naafi. Describing the architecturally stunning building as the 4th shrine in Islam, he gave special thanks to Germany for kick starting the peace process (viz.Bonn Conference) and quelling the bloodbath that had tarnished the region. He assigned special praise for the elections but criticised Islamic countries for not helping enough and rued that Muslims from other parts of the World did not visit enough while thanking Iran and Pakistan for hosting their refugees.
1430hrs:
A visit to a Police station where we were welcomed by a quasi-military parade. The chief hailed that in his tenure of 5 months there were no major crimes to report and threats from the Taleban or other militia were non-existent. He considered complete disarmament of the Afghani people was a necessity for stability. Nevertheless, he lamented his pay of $80 dollars a month (An equivalent ranked ANA soldier is thought to earn 10 times that amount) although he maintained that he would continue to work in the national interest.
1530hrs:
After an opportunity for a spot of shopping, it’s back to the airport for our return to Kabul.
1800hrs:
Back in Kabul. Time for dinner and writing up of this report!
Watch this space for the rest!
(Next Week)
In the wake of unprecedented elections in Afghanistan, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office Muslim Media Unit aptly arranged a trip for a group of Muslim journalists to visit the country. I was fortunate to avail of the opportunity presented to me to be a guest of the British Military contingent for 5 days. Hereby is a day by day account of how our hosts laid out our visit:
Day 1:
1300hrs:
Our Royal Air force plane touches down in Kabul where British tanks receive us. As we make our way under armed escort towards the British headquarters, I notice a gentle trickle of traffic in Kabul where despite arriving only two days beyond polling, life appears to be as normal as it would be in Cambridge or Karachi minus the glaring ruins of decades of war.
Warm handshakes and lunch await us as L/Colonel Ralph Arundel and team give us the low-down on how events have panned out over the past few weeks in general and what to expect on our visit.
1600hrs:
Commander in Chief of British Forces in Afghanistan Charlie Darrell.professes his immense pleasure at having us, he portrayed a distinctly positive mood in terms of how the election panned out, exceeding expectations with an 80-90% turnout. Despite issues of many candidates threatening to boycott the election due to the indelible ink saga and acknowledgement of immense effort needed to rebuild the country, examples of some schools conducting 3 shifts to enable as many children to seek education as possible gave rise to hope for the future.
Meanwhile, he pointed to the pre-election threat of the Taleban not materialising and praised Hamid Karzai for fearlessly carrying forward a reformist agenda.
1700hrs:
After further discussions with Team Leader Arundel, dinner and a much needed rest ensue. Noise of rocket fire in the early hours from the city caused some alarm, thankfully no casualties were reported.
DAY 2:
0900hrs:
Our mode of transport changes from Tank to Toyota Landcruisers as we venture out into the city to the Consulate for an introductory meeting with the British Ambassador Rosalynd Marsden for tea and biscuits.
1000hrs:
We cut across to the German sponsored community re-building project (AGEF) to meet local representatives Khalid Noorzad and Nur Ahmed Sarwari. Their activities included PC training /Internet /Basic English /accounting/ management and various self-employment initiatives. This was essentially a method for re-integrating militia of various factions and ex-refugees with measures in appropriating effective strategies for employment.
We visited classrooms and took the opportunity to speak to ex-militia to find out what specific measures were being taken to re-integrate them into society. We also met ex-refugees from Britain who aimed to help rebuild their country, one particularly moving story was of a returnee who had paid agents 13,500 US dollars to get to England only to work 2 and a half years to repay that money by working in a pizza take-away in Leeds before being deported back home.
1230hrs:
It’s back to the British Embassy for a meeting with Non-governmental organisations (NGO’s) about their activities and problems that they encountered. Dave Mather, managing director for Afghan Aid explained how they took measures to build community infrastructures with various initiatives, while Sarah Ireland, country programme representative for Oxfam talked about their particular emphasis on women’s rights. Representing Christian Aid was Teena Roberts who pointed out their long history of involvement in Afghanistan even prior to the Taleban and focussed on their attempts to de-escalate conflict.
They all felt an element of danger and thought some locals were mistrustful of foreign influence while being perceived as soft targets.
0145hrs:
We move to a different part of Kabul to meet with the Afghan Educational Trust (In conjunction with the BBC World Service Trust) and in doing so witness how decades of war had ravaged the landscape. Empty tracts of land and dilapidated buildings told their own story. Meanwhile, the BBC was providing the technical underpin to promote programmes such as ‘New Home New Life’ which although immensely popular since 1994 was now being used as a major vehicle to push boundaries in educating the Afghani people amidst their new found freedom. They emphasised on the social infrastructure, re-integration of refugees and nation-building.We were talked through by their director Shirazuddin Siddiqi.
1515hrs:
Another dart across town as we head towards the Japanese Embassy to learn about the De-mining/De-mobilisation/Re-integration (DDR) programme and their strategy for consolidation of peace. Paul Cruickshank gave us a presentation about how they aimed to de-commission military units, explaining that 450 to 650 commanders Militias/warlords) needed to be dis-banded. Pointing out that the Afghan National Army (ANA) would take years to create, he stressed that they encouraged voluntary submissions by providing incentives and refrained from forcing the policy as that would be the job of the ANA long-term. He felt there was a serious problem with mass communication and the message in many respects was failing to reach through and that their targets were ambitious.
1800hrs:
Truly a hectic day with little respite and we were glad to head back to base to wind down.
DAY 3:
0700hrs:
An early start as we head for the Airport to fly to Mazar-e-Sharif
1000hrs:
We meet with chief of British Operations John Henderson who discusses how they have been dealing with that particular region since July 2003. Re-iterating their focus on stability and identifying warlords and drugs as the major causes for concern, he explained how they concentrated on developing the grounds for a self-sustaining government using institution-building as a tool while engaging with the community.
1145hrs:
As part of our day tour, the Imam Ali Shrine, where the city derives it’s name is where we meet the local Imam Naafi. Describing the architecturally stunning building as the 4th shrine in Islam, he gave special thanks to Germany for kick starting the peace process (viz.Bonn Conference) and quelling the bloodbath that had tarnished the region. He assigned special praise for the elections but criticised Islamic countries for not helping enough and rued that Muslims from other parts of the World did not visit enough while thanking Iran and Pakistan for hosting their refugees.
1430hrs:
A visit to a Police station where we were welcomed by a quasi-military parade. The chief hailed that in his tenure of 5 months there were no major crimes to report and threats from the Taleban or other militia were non-existent. He considered complete disarmament of the Afghani people was a necessity for stability. Nevertheless, he lamented his pay of $80 dollars a month (An equivalent ranked ANA soldier is thought to earn 10 times that amount) although he maintained that he would continue to work in the national interest.
1530hrs:
After an opportunity for a spot of shopping, it’s back to the airport for our return to Kabul.
1800hrs:
Back in Kabul. Time for dinner and writing up of this report!
Watch this space for the rest!
(Next Week)
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